Monthly Columns
Chiefs Corner: Crime Prevention Starts with an Orderly Community
Back in college I took several psychology and sociology courses along with my criminal justice studies. I’ve always found these areas to be fascinating and related to each other. One “theory” that we studied in my criminal justice studies was that particularly caught my attention was the “Broken Windows Theory”.
It’s a criminology theory that states “monitoring and maintaining environments in a well-ordered condition may prevent further vandalism as well as an escalation of more serious crime”. It’s based on the idea that graffiti or disorder can lead to more vandalism or petty crime. The theory takes its name from the observation that a few broken windows in an empty building quickly lead to more smashed panes, more vandalism, and eventually to break-ins.
The tendency for people to behave in a particular way can be strengthened or weakened depending on what they observe others to be doing. This does not necessarily mean that people will copy bad behavior exactly; reaching for a spray can when they see graffiti. Rather it can foster the “violation” of other norms of behavior. This concept was part of Rudy Giuliani’s “Zero Tolerance” when he became mayor of New York.
One of the studies done more recently (Netherlands 2008) showed that those that were prepared to steal actually doubled in a condition of disorder. A $5 dollar bill was placed in an envelope (with the $5 bill clearly showing through the address label) was left sticking out of a mailbox in a high pedestrian traffic area. In a condition of order, 13% of those that passed by the mailbox took the $5 bill (instead of leaving it alone or pushing it back into the mailbox).
When the conditions were changed with the area surrounding the mailbox littered with paper, cigarette butts, and cans, the results were much different. The percentage increased to nearly 26% that took the $5 bill from the mailbox. The researchers’ conclusion is that one example of disorder, like graffiti or littering, can indeed encourage another, like stealing. -–Source “The Economist November 2008”
I’m not trying to suggest that one will turn to a life of crime if they see a soda can on the sidewalk, or a broken window on a vacant building. But I do believe that for some, there is correlation between seeing visible “disorder” and then “not caring” yourself. It’s like throwing a candy wrapper out of your car window because “everyone else does it”.
I think if we take care of our community by cleaning up our trash, taking care of our buildings, and maintaining a sense of order we can help prevent some petty crime that could lead to bigger crimes. Just my opinion, and thanks for reading.
If anyone has any questions or concerns, I can be reached at the police department at 839-2922 or email dplovich@yahoo.com
-Dean Plovich
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As usual, one article leads to another. In this instance, doing a search in the newspaper led to something interesting. This particular case it was a picture that came to my attention.
If you look at all the buildings that line Macoupin Street from SS Simon and Jude to the Shell Station, which one would you say has changed very little in 100 years and is the most recognizable by its design? It’s been a saloon, bank, grocery store, flower shop, and maybe a few more. Today it is an empty tavern with a “chalet” design. You’ll recognize it by the picture I found in the Gillespie News in February 1915.
John Rendolfi was a local businessman and saloon owner in Gillespie. Redolfi’s saloon sat at the corner of West Chestnut and Macoupin Streets. Redolfi was in negotiations with the Lemp Brewery to build a new building on site of his saloon in April 1914. Lemp and Falstaff beer had a strong presence in Gillespie. After several delays, the building was finished in July 1915 at a cost of approximately $12,000.
The new Lemp building or Falstaff Inn was a two-story building that stretched half way down the block. It had an upstairs meeting room and a saloon downstairs occupied by Redolfi. A barber shop was located in the rear room. In the basement there was a bowling alley. Redolfi already owned a bowling alley behind his saloon. It was the most attractive and expensive building built on Main Street and had all the most modern improvements. The Order of the Moose used the upstairs for several years as a meeting hall with pool table and card and club rooms.
Eventually, the Lemp building was sold to Gillespie Trust and Savings Bank. In 1931 after the bank merger, Bunn Grocery moved into the building.
In investigating this building, I found some interesting information that brought my into another fascinating series of business moves that involved the banks in town.
Starting in 1894, the Bank of Gillespie was located in the 200 block of South Macoupin. A new building was built on site in May 1913. Eventually the Bank of Gillespie because Gillespie Trust and Savings in April 1914. In March 1918, the Lemp building was sold to Gillespie Trust for over $19,000. Again, another bank move. The Gillespie Trust became American National Bank in February 1923.
Meanwhile, we have another bank that the outside façade still stands. The Gillespie National Bank was started in November 1905 and moved into a new building on the corner of Walnut and Macoupin Streets in April 1906 with another new building on site in May 1912. In August 1930, both national banks merged. The American National Bank moved all its reserves to Gillespie National Bank. This merger made the new Gillespie National Bank the largest in Macoupin County.
Now the third bank in this puzzle. In July 1922, Peoples State Bank opened its doors at the corner of Macoupin and East Chestnut Streets in the old Long’s Pool Hall. So by 1923, Gillespie has three banks including two national banks and a state bank. There is little difference between the two types. National banks are ruled by federal laws versus state regulations. State regulations are less strict on real estate loans and the amount of capital on hand. These loose regulations forced many state banks to fail in the 1920’s.
I found out that when doing research one thing leads to another and before you know it, the Falstaff saloon created a brief early history of Gillespie banks. I’m going to following this article with a brief look at Gillespie bank notes issued by banks.
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After discussing my last article with Jim Alderson about the miner’s strike and march on Gillespie, he mentioned about a criminal indictment of miners on railroad bombings. This again made me interested in this article. In doing some of this research I’m amazed at the history of the Gillespie area and related coal mining stories. I really do not think the community is aware of all the national stories centered on this once vibrant industry.
Starting in the 1920’s, the United Mine Workers were under the control of John L. Lewis. Lewis was a very powerful and influential labor leader. Within the American Federation of Labor (AFL), the Congress of Industrial Organization (CIO) was formed by Lewis to include the UMW and other industrial like unions, like the United Steel Workers. Lewis controlled the UMW and thus controlled the miners.
Under his guidance, the UMW made many significant moves to increase the power of the UMW authority. All of this came at the expense of individual miners and their local unions, especially in Illinois. In many cases, Lewis’ decisions sided with coal operators and hindered labor friendly contracts. This included the policy of job-sharing arrangements. This customary policy was to allow all “locals” to share work-loads meaning if one company mine was idle those idle workers could share the work in another company mine. Basically meaning, all miners help each other and share the hours; everybody works, everybody gets a paycheck. This was a common practice in central Illinois. Lewis opposed this practice.
Lewis used all means possible to dominate the miners which included ballot stuffing, cronyism, anti-socialist attacks, false accusations and even armed violence. No one challenged him. He opposed local control, he wanted central control of Illinois miners.
In 1928, Lewis negotiated a cut in wages to Illinois miners from $7.50 to $6.10 a day. He expelled 24 miner locals who challenged some of his decisions claiming they were leftist/socialist radicals. This conflict with the UMW and local miners came to a head in the 1930’s Depression. Illinois UMW miners were on strike in July 1932 and again Lewis tried to force a contract on them that included another “pay cut” from $6.10 to $5.00 a day. After several failed votes overwhelmingly rejected by Illinois miners, the vote suddenly passed through questionable ballot stuffing by Lewis and claiming executive powers, Lewis again forced the miners to accept this new contract with the Illinois Coal Operative Association.
Illinois miners were furious, holding demonstrations and wildcat strikes. The first major event occurred in August 1932 in southern Illinois at Mulkeytown. Local miners headed south to support the local strike in the Benton area. A number of strikers and family supporters vary but numbers went as high as over 15,000. Fighting occurred between union miners and law enforcement. Many were shot and injured but no deaths were reported. Most believed Lewis and the UMW supported the operators in this strike. The violence was just beginning.
All this led to the organizing of the Progressive Miners of America in September 1932. The Gillespie Superior Mines and Macoupin County was the center of attention. The Progressives believed in total autonomy in their locals and to negotiate their own working conditions including job-sharing. The PWA would immediately try and regain some of their rights and the power stripped from them by the UMW and Lewis.
Anger grew quickly. A power struggle between the UMW and the Progressives began. The UMW refused to acknowledge the PWA. Individual mines were split between the two unions. Everyone wanted to work but which union would they join. The AFL recognized the Progressive Miners union but the National Labor Relations Board which protects union negotiating rights did not. The Progressives were able to negotiate their own wage agreements with the coal companies.
At the same time, Lewis and the UMW negotiated contracts with Peabody Coal Company that “only” UMW miners could work in Peabody mines in Christian County, forcing the Progressives out of work. Tensions built in central and southern Illinois.
At stake was control of union miners throughout Illinois. The Progressives tried to move into mines general controlled by the UMW. According to the Illinois Dept of Natural Resources, in 1932 there were approximately 44,000 miners in 162 mines in Illinois. The trouble pitted the UMW against the Progressives.
This event is generally referred to as the “union mine wars” in Illinois. Violence occurred in the form of shootings, bombings and murder. A struggle for control of Illinois mines has started. Many Progressives and their supporters were determined to make the UMW pay for their actions. Most of the violence occurred in the Springfield area.
This bloody war occurred between 1932-1935 raging throughout Illinois. Miners bombed mine properties, residential homes, and the railroads carrying coal. Most of the attacks were aimed at hurting the UMW. According to the Decatur Review, by December 1932 there were already 69 bombings in Taylorville. It got worse.
The Decatur paper in November 1933 wrote that in the first 13 months of this war there were 140 bombings and 25 deaths and by June 1934 there were 15 deaths in Christian County alone since this “mine war” began. By the time the violence seemed to decrease in August 1935, the Review claimed there were over 200 bombing and 36 deaths.
Government authorities sided with the coal operators and UMW. With the violence decreasing by 1935, many PWA miners returned to work. With pressure from the coal companies, the government decided to go after indictments on those responsible for some of the violence.
After multiple railroad bombings, the government decided to go after the culprits. Many PWA workers were charged with federal indictments on conspiracy with the railroad bombings. The federal government got involved because many of the bombings occurred on railroads caring mail on the Illinois Central Railroad. Forty-one indictments of PWA members were issued in connection with 23 railroad bombings, six attempted bombings and one railroad bridge burning that occurred between December 1932 and August 1935. It was the first time in history that indictments were returned on anti-racketeering against a labor union. However, there were no indictments on either side for the numerous residential bombings, shootings and murder.
In December 1937 in Springfield, 36 of the 41 defendants were found guilty of conspiracy to obstructing interstate and foreign commerce by bombing coal trains. The defendants were released on bond pending an appeal. The defendants included 12 from the Springfield area, 15 from southern Illinois, and 4 from the Taylorville area included John Tatman, John Taylor and Russell Wagner from Gillespie.
The defendants were originally sentenced to four years in prison and a $20,000 fine. The US Court of Appeals reduced the sentences to two years in prison and a $10,000 fine in May 1939. Several of the defendants were released for health reasons. In September 1940, after serving 15 months, 23 were paroled, including Wagner and Russell from Gillespie. Tatman from Gillespie was not paroled.
This fight for control of union miners continued throughout the 1930’s and into the 1940’s. However, the United Mine Workers will eventually prevail over the Progressive Miners. The number of miners in Illinois gradually declined throughout the 1940’s and into the 1950’s and 1960’s. According to the IDNR, in 1940 there were 139 mines and approximately 26,000 miners and by 1960, there were only 78 mines and approximately 9,000 miners.
Unfortunately, the days of union miners are gone and the fighting is over. The Progressives have disbanded. According to Jim Alderson, there are about 5 or 6 mines in Illinois, all non-union. He believes there are no union mines in Indiana or Kentucky and the only union mine he is aware of is one in Pennsylvania.
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While rummaging through some articles at the Coal Museum, I came across one that struck my fancy. It was from the Illinois State Journal and the Headline was, “Miners, anarchists, soldiers combine for tense faceoff.” The date was March 21, 1911. I decided to follow up on the story and see what other newspapers had to say. I was shocked by the headlines around the U.S., splashing the controversy. Some of the headlines were as follows:
“1,000 armed foreigners parade streets of town.”—Knoxville, TN Sentinel
“Immigrant coal miners terrorize Illinois town, driving Americans before them with guns.” —Chattanooga, TN News
“Armed foreigners drive miners from work in Gillespie.”—Birmingham, AL News
“Armed foreigners arm for battle.”—Spokane, WA Chronicle
“One Thousand on the march.”—Wilmington, DE News Journal
“Foreigners demonstrate.”—Salt Lake City, UT Deseret News
“Foreigners at Benld are ugly”—Bloomington, IL Pantagraph
There were major news stories across the country, north, south, east and west. Major cities carried the stories from Boston to San Francisco and Bismarck to Waco, Texas. The stories were inflammatory and struck an opinion that our area had radical, troublemakers working in the mines.
Throughout the country these headlines made people fear that the foreign miners were anarchists and armed mobs. Most of the stories were somewhat exaggerated although there were protests, marches, armed miners and troops. The Gillespie News, while other national newspapers highlighted the situation, played it down as an over-zealous protest, stirred up by “yellow journalism.”
Here are the facts that brought about this national uproar.
Coal production in Illinois is in the decline, salaries are slipping and the mines are cutting back on working days, sometimes only two to three days a week. Many foreigner miners see this as a threat to their livelihood. The Superior Mines employ around 1,850 men. When working, salaries are around $80 a month. The Illinois State Legislature was informed that 20,000 Illinois miners were idle in March and this produced hardship on the miners. A mild winter and mechanization were causes of this problem.
Superior Coal Company decided to add another machine in Mine #2 in Sawyerville and the United Mine Workers Union supported the move. Machines for the past two years were being placed in the Sawyerville mine. Most of the workers were foreign Italians from Benld and thought this was cutting into their work opportunities. The miners retaliated by cutting back on their mining quotas. Miners were fired. Because of this, the miners refused to work. All three of the Superior mines were shut down by Superior Coal Co. for a couple of days. The situation between the company and the foreign miners did not change. The miners stayed on strike.
The state officials of the UMW ordered the miners of all three UMW Locals to go back to work or be subject to fines because the striking miners violated the union agreement and constitution. A large miner meeting of all three locals met in Gillespie and informed the striking miners of the decision of the UMW. Gillespie also had the Superior Coal offices.
Most of the American miners were willing to go back to work, however Macoupin County Sheriff Etter anticipating trouble from the foreigners called out deputies to patrol Mine #1 in Eagarville. On Monday March 20, 1911, approximately 250 armed miners prevented other miners from going to work at the Eagerville mine. Etter’s deputies were out-numbered. Fearing that this could escalate Etter asked for state troops. Governor Deneen ordered 10 companies of militia to Gillespie on Tuesday, March 21.
Here is where the newspaper headlines took their information.
Prior to arrival of troops on Tuesday morning, approximately 700 armed foreigners, mostly miners marched from Benld to Eagarville to Gillespie and back to Benld through Mt. Clare Mine #3.
The Springfield State Journal called this march as follows, “Strikers from Benld marched into Gillespie this morning, making a show of arms, with a numerical strength that paralyzed the lovers of peace. The red flag of anarchy floated proudly at the head of the procession.”
The impression by Gillespie residents, who being alarmed, was that they were being attacked by an armed mob. However, there was no conflict or trouble and 350 National Guardsmen set up camp in Benld to stop any potential rioting, while only one company of troops were stationed in Gillespie. The troops stayed in camp for about one week.
The Gillespie News publisher S P Preston took a very dim view of the incident and condemned the miners always referring to them as foreigners preventing American union miners from doing their work. But there was no condemnation of the town of Benld. The outcry in the Gillespie paper was far toned-down to those throughout the U.S. There were no headlines. There were not a thousand marchers, there was no trouble but newspapers cried out that the foreign miners were an armed mob looking for trouble.
To compound the situation, several citizens received “black hand” letters. These letters threatened death. The “Black Hand” was an Italian community extortion organization threating violence, usually found in large eastern cities.
The three Superior mines remained closed temporarily. In early April the three locals of Eagerville, Sawyerville and Mt Clare all eventually returned to work and the strike ended after four weeks. The decision by local miners was not unanimous to return to work, but in the end all three union locals ended their strike.
This exaggerated reporting was not unusual throughout the U.S. Unionism and strikes were making big headlines. As an example, in March 1910 a major coal strike in Pennsylvania lasted for over a year involving 15,000 miners known as the Slovak Strike because 70% of the strikers were foreigners. Combine the fact that many unionists were both American-born and foreigners, it was the foreigners that were blamed for the trouble. But because of these unions, both American and foreign born, laws are being made by legislatures to protect the worker.
It is unfortunate that at the time of this mine strike on March 25, 1911, the famous Triangle Shirtwaist Fire in NYC occurred causing the death of 150 factory workers bringing an uproar about conditions of the American worker.
