After discussing my last article with Jim Alderson about the miner’s strike and march on Gillespie, he mentioned about a criminal indictment of miners on railroad bombings. This again made me interested in this article. In doing some of this research I’m amazed at the history of the Gillespie area and related coal mining stories. I really do not think the community is aware of all the national stories centered on this once vibrant industry.

Starting in the 1920’s, the United Mine Workers were under the control of John L. Lewis. Lewis was a very powerful and influential labor leader. Within the American Federation of Labor (AFL), the Congress of Industrial Organization (CIO) was formed by Lewis to include the UMW and other industrial like unions, like the United Steel Workers. Lewis controlled the UMW and thus controlled the miners.

Under his guidance, the UMW made many significant moves to increase the power of the UMW authority. All of this came at the expense of individual miners and their local unions, especially in Illinois. In many cases, Lewis’ decisions sided with coal operators and hindered labor friendly contracts. This included the policy of job-sharing arrangements. This customary policy was to allow all “locals” to share work-loads meaning if one company mine was idle those idle workers could share the work in another company mine. Basically meaning, all miners help each other and share the hours; everybody works, everybody gets a paycheck. This was a common practice in central Illinois. Lewis opposed this practice.

Lewis used all means possible to dominate the miners which included ballot stuffing, cronyism, anti-socialist attacks, false accusations and even armed violence. No one challenged him. He opposed local control, he wanted central control of Illinois miners.

In 1928, Lewis negotiated a cut in wages to Illinois miners from $7.50 to $6.10 a day. He expelled 24 miner locals who challenged some of his decisions claiming they were leftist/socialist radicals. This conflict with the UMW and local miners came to a head in the 1930’s Depression. Illinois UMW miners were on strike in July 1932 and again Lewis tried to force a contract on them that included another “pay cut” from $6.10 to $5.00 a day. After several failed votes overwhelmingly rejected by Illinois miners, the vote suddenly passed through questionable ballot stuffing by Lewis and claiming executive powers, Lewis again forced the miners to accept this new contract with the Illinois Coal Operative Association.

Illinois miners were furious, holding demonstrations and wildcat strikes. The first major event occurred in August 1932 in southern Illinois at Mulkeytown. Local miners headed south to support the local strike in the Benton area. A number of strikers and family supporters vary but numbers went as high as over 15,000. Fighting occurred between union miners and law enforcement. Many were shot and injured but no deaths were reported. Most believed Lewis and the UMW supported the operators in this strike. The violence was just beginning.

All this led to the organizing of the Progressive Miners of America in September 1932. The Gillespie Superior Mines and Macoupin County was the center of attention. The Progressives believed in total autonomy in their locals and to negotiate their own working conditions including job-sharing. The PWA would immediately try and regain some of their rights and the power stripped from them by the UMW and Lewis.

Anger grew quickly. A power struggle between the UMW and the Progressives began. The UMW refused to acknowledge the PWA. Individual mines were split between the two unions. Everyone wanted to work but which union would they join. The AFL recognized the Progressive Miners union but the National Labor Relations Board which protects union negotiating rights did not. The Progressives were able to negotiate their own wage agreements with the coal companies.

Advertisement

At the same time, Lewis and the UMW negotiated contracts with Peabody Coal Company that “only” UMW miners could work in Peabody mines in Christian County, forcing the Progressives out of work. Tensions built in central and southern Illinois.

At stake was control of union miners throughout Illinois. The Progressives tried to move into mines general controlled by the UMW. According to the Illinois Dept of Natural Resources, in 1932 there were approximately 44,000 miners in 162 mines in Illinois. The trouble pitted the UMW against the Progressives.

This event is generally referred to as the “union mine wars” in Illinois. Violence occurred in the form of shootings, bombings and murder. A struggle for control of Illinois mines has started. Many Progressives and their supporters were determined to make the UMW pay for their actions. Most of the violence occurred in the Springfield area.

This bloody war occurred between 1932-1935 raging throughout Illinois. Miners bombed mine properties, residential homes, and the railroads carrying coal. Most of the attacks were aimed at hurting the UMW. According to the Decatur Review, by December 1932 there were already 69 bombings in Taylorville. It got worse.

The Decatur paper in November 1933 wrote that in the first 13 months of this war there were 140 bombings and 25 deaths and by June 1934 there were 15 deaths in Christian County alone since this “mine war” began. By the time the violence seemed to decrease in August 1935, the Review claimed there were over 200 bombing and 36 deaths.

Government authorities sided with the coal operators and UMW. With the violence decreasing by 1935, many PWA miners returned to work. With pressure from the coal companies, the government decided to go after indictments on those responsible for some of the violence.

After multiple railroad bombings, the government decided to go after the culprits. Many PWA workers were charged with federal indictments on conspiracy with the railroad bombings. The federal government got involved because many of the bombings occurred on railroads caring mail on the Illinois Central Railroad. Forty-one indictments of PWA members were issued in connection with 23 railroad bombings, six attempted bombings and one railroad bridge burning that occurred between December 1932 and August 1935. It was the first time in history that indictments were returned on anti-racketeering against a labor union. However, there were no indictments on either side for the numerous residential bombings, shootings and murder.

In December 1937 in Springfield, 36 of the 41 defendants were found guilty of conspiracy to obstructing interstate and foreign commerce by bombing coal trains. The defendants were released on bond pending an appeal. The defendants included 12 from the Springfield area, 15 from southern Illinois, and 4 from the Taylorville area included John Tatman, John Taylor and Russell Wagner from Gillespie.

Advertisement

The defendants were originally sentenced to four years in prison and a $20,000 fine. The US Court of Appeals reduced the sentences to two years in prison and a $10,000 fine in May 1939. Several of the defendants were released for health reasons. In September 1940, after serving 15 months, 23 were paroled, including Wagner and Russell from Gillespie. Tatman from Gillespie was not paroled. 

This fight for control of union miners continued throughout the 1930’s and into the 1940’s. However, the United Mine Workers will eventually prevail over the Progressive Miners. The number of miners in Illinois gradually declined throughout the 1940’s and into the 1950’s and 1960’s. According to the IDNR, in 1940 there were 139 mines and approximately 26,000 miners and by 1960, there were only 78 mines and approximately 9,000 miners.

Unfortunately, the days of union miners are gone and the fighting is over. The Progressives have disbanded. According to Jim Alderson, there are about 5 or 6 mines in Illinois, all non-union. He believes there are no union mines in Indiana or Kentucky and the only union mine he is aware of is one in Pennsylvania.

Comments

comments